演讲稿是作为在特定的情境中供口语表达使用的文稿。在快速变化和不断变革的新时代，能够利用到演讲稿的场合越来越多，那么你有了解过演讲稿吗？这里是人美心善的小编老李帮大伙儿分享的8篇有关的英语演讲稿，欢迎参考。
著名英语谚语：
1.A bad beginning makes a bad ending.
不善始者不善终。
2.A bad workman always blames his tools.
不会撑船怪河弯。
3.A bird in the hand is worth than two in the bush.
一鸟在手胜过双鸟在林。
4.A boaster and a liar are cousins-german.
吹牛与说谎本是同宗。
5.A bully is always a coward.
色厉内荏。
6.A burden of one's choice is not felt.
爱挑的担子不嫌重。
7.A candle lights others and consumes itself.
蜡烛照亮别人，却毁灭了自己。
8.Every man is his own worst enemy.
一个人最大的敌人就是他自己。
9.Actions speak louder than words.
行动比语言更响亮。
10.From small beginnings comes great things.
伟大始于渺小。
spent on the brain is never spent in vain.
智力投资绝不会白花。
12.Wisdom in the mind is better than money in the hand.
脑中有知识，胜过手中有金钱。
13.Plain dealing is praised more than practiced.
正大光明者，说到的多，做到的少。
14.Please the eye and plague the heart.
贪图一时快活，必然留下隐祸。
15.Praise is not pudding.
恭维话不能当饭吃。
16.Praise makes good men better, and bad men worse.
好人越夸越好，坏人越夸越糟。
17.Wise men learn by other men's mistakes; fools by their own.
聪明人从别人的错误中学得教训；笨人则自己付出代价。他山之石可以攻玉。
company on the road is the shortest cut.
行路有良伴就是捷径。
19.It takes all sorts to make a world.
世界是由各种不同的人所组成的。
20.If a thing is worth doing it is worth worth doing well.
如果事情值得做，就值得好好做。
great was ever achieved without enthusiasm.
无热情成就不了伟业。
【相关阅读】
英语谚语带翻译励志：
1.积少成多
Every little helps.
2.满招损，谦受益。
Pride hurts, modesty benefits
3.自助者天助。
God helps those who help themselves.
4：欲速则不达。
More haste, less speed.
5.有志者，事竟成。
Nothing is impossible to a willing heart.
6：台上一分钟，台下十年功。
One minute on the stage needs ten years practice off stage.
7.好的开端是成功的一半。
Well begun is half done.
8.酒好不怕巷子深。
Good wine needs no bush.
9.成功源于勤奋。
Industry is the parent of success.
10.英雄所见略同。
Great minds think alike.
11.熟能生巧。
Practice makes perfect.
12.静水流深。
Still waters run deep.
13.滴水穿石。
Little stone fell great oaks.
hopes make great man 远大的希望，造就伟大的人物。
15.雨过天晴
After a storm comes a calm.
16.条条大路通罗马。
All roads lead to Rome
17.人生有限，学问无涯。
Art is long, but life is short.
18.只要人有恒，万事都能成。
Stick to it, and you'll succeed.
19.君子之交淡如水。
A hedge between keeps friendship green.
20.机不可失，失不再来。
Take time while time is, for time will away.
21.集思广益。
Two heads are better than one.
22.未雨绸缪。
Provide for a rainy day.
23.真金不怕火炼。
True blue will never strain.
24.必须相信自己，这是成功的秘诀。
You have to believe in yourself. That''s the secret of success.
My father is a businesan. He is 42 years old. He is short. He likes reading newspapers after meals. He watches TV in the evening. He goes to work by car. He has got a nice black car. He often plays golf with his friends on the weekend. He does not often eat dinner with us.
My mother is a housewife. She doesn’t work. She stays at home. She is beautiful. She has long hair. She does housework in the morning. She often goes shopping in the afternoon. She is kind, but she is strict to my study. She likes reading. She watches TV at night, too.
I love my parents. And they love me too. I have many friends in my class. They're lovely and interesting. I would like to introduce some of them. Alice is very cute. She's also kind to everyone and she's very enthusiastic. She's always ready to help everyone, but she is forgetful. She always forgets to bring her textbooks, but our teachers always forgive her. Ben is the most talkative boy in our class. His nickname is “chatterbox.” He has a great sense of humor and he always makes me laugh. Linda is a quiet student. She is good at every subject but she never shows off. Allen is a very tall boy. He plays basketball very well and he is on our school team. He often says, “playing basketball is good for your health. How about your ctes? Do you like them? Try to admire your ctes. You will be happier.
In the 16th century, people celebrated New Year's Day from March 25 to April 1. In the mid—1560s King Charles IX changed it from March 25 to January 1. But some people still celebrated in on April 1, so others called them April Fools.
Each country celebrates April Fools' Day differently. In France, people call the April Fools “April Fish”。 They tape a paper fish to their friends' backs to fool them. When he or she finds this , they shout “April Fish!”
In England, people play jokes only in the morning. You are a “noodle” if someone fools you. In Scotland, April Fools' Day is 48 hours long. They call an April Fool “April Gowk”。 Gowk is another name for a cuckoo bird.
In the America, people play small jokes on their friends and any other people on the first of Aprol. They may point down to your shoe and say, “ Your shoelace is untied.” If you believe them and look down to see, you are an April Fool then.
I have a wonderful family.I'm lucky to be a part of it.Let me tell you about them. My family name is Lee.My family history is long and proud.There are five people in my family now. My parents love me very much.They do a lot for me.When I need help, they are always there.
My dad is a strong guy.He's honest and hardworking.He's like a superhero to me. My mom is a smart woman.She can do almost anything.I just can't praise her enough. I have two siblings.They are my older brother and younger sister.Sometimes we argue,but we mainly get along.
My family likes being together.We like eating out and going to the movies.We also enjoy hiking and having picnics. My family isn't perfect.We have our ups and downs.But we always forgive and make up. Our motto is “United together forever.” I'll always cherish my family.I hope your family is lovely,too.
Dear leaders:
Hello, everyone, I’m Liu Dongdong. I’m a student. There are three people in my family—my father, mother and I.
My father is 40 years old. He is a worker. I think he is a good worker. Because he works very hard. He gets up very early every day and he works for more than 10 hours a day. So he is always busy, he looks very tired when he gets 小学 home. He likes reading newspapers. He usually reads it after supper. So he gets lots of news.
My mother is 38 years old. She is a worker too. She works in a very small factory. She is not tall and she has two big eyes. She loves me and she is good for me. She always buys some books for me. She wants me to be a top student. She also cares for my diet and life.
I’ m 15 years old. I wear glasses. I like reading. I always read books after school. I like singing, too. My favorite singer is Jay Chou. His music is very nice. What do you think of him? I also like making friends. If you want to meet me, please write to me.
Oh, my parents love me and I love them, too. My family is a happy family.
As consensus of everyone,people should read books,especially when they areyoung.However,we still should read selectively instead of blindly.
In China,many parents force their children to read all kinds of books forsome reason,that makes those kids under heavy stress.I dont think its a good wayfor education,child should read those bookswhich can help them develop a good viewpoint about the world and life,such asthanksgiving,appreciation,politeness and diligence.
Even for adult,we should select what we read as well,because our engergy ,we still need to learn much knowledge helpful for our career.
Actually,I think reading blindly is just wasting ,people feel much more stress than before,so we can chose thosebooksabout computer application,investment,Englishlearning,economy,finance,etc.
So,all in all,we should attach importance to both of selectivity anduniversality when thinking about reading.
Ladies and gentlemen:
Good morning! Today, the title of my speech is A Lesson from Nature.
Around us , there are plants, animals and many other things. We live in nature, so to keep the balance of nature is very important for us. But today, too many trees are still being cut down in many countries and flood all over the world are getting more and more serious, A lot of land has gone with them. This is a lesson from nature.
When people move into a new place, they often cut down trees or pull out many wild plants to make farmland. They don’t know that trees can stop flood and wind from washing or blowing the earth away, and that many of these wild plants are food for some wild animals. If the animals can’t find enough plants to eat, they will die or have to leave the place.
In one part of the United States, for example, the deer there like to eat a kind of wild flowers. The mountain tigers there eat the deer. But people killed many mountain tigers to protect the deer. soon there were so many deer that the ate up all the wild flowers. Then the deer began to eat the green leaves of the young trees .so the farmers thought of ways to protect their trees, then the deer had nothing to eat and many of them died.
The number of trees, deer, tigers, wild flowers and plants has changed much—less and less. We need to do more to keep the balance of nature.
Thank you!
女士们，先生们：
早上好！今天，我演讲的题目是一个自然的课程。
在我们身边，有植物，动物和许多其他的东西。我们生活在自然中，所以保持自然的平衡对我们来说非常重要。但是今天，许多国家和地区的许多国家和地区的洪水都越来越严重，许多国家和地区都越来越严重，许多国家都在和他们一起走了。这是一个自然的教训。
当人们进入一个新的地方，他们经常会砍伐树木或拔出许多野生植物来制造农田。他们不知道，树木可以阻止洪水和风吹走地球的距离，而许多野生植物是一些野生动物的食物。如果动物找不到足够的植物吃，他们就会死亡或离开的地方。
在美国的一个部分，例如，鹿有喜欢吃一种野生花卉。山虎在那里吃鹿。但人们杀了许多山虎保护鹿。很快，有那么多的鹿，吃了所有的野生花卉。于是鹿开始吃小树的绿叶，于是农民们想办法保护他们的树木，于是，鹿什么也吃不到，他们中的许多人都死了。
树木、鹿、老虎、野生花卉和植物的数量变化不多，也越来越少。我们需要做更多的事情来保持自然的平衡。
谢谢你！
Good Evening, my fellow Americans.
Tonight I want to talk to you on a subject of deep concern to all Americans and to many people in all parts of the world, the war in Vietnam.
I believe that one of the reasons for the deep division about Vietnam is that many Americans have lost confidence in what their Government has told them about our policy. The American people cannot and should not be asked to support a policy which involves the overriding issues of war and peace unless they know the truth about that policy.
Tonight, therefore, I would like to answer some of the questions that I know are on the minds of many of you listening to me.
How and why did America get involved in Vietnam in the first place?
How has this administration changed the policy of the previous Administration?
What has really happened in the negotiations in Paris and the battlefront in Vietnam?
What choices do we have if we are to end the war?
What are the prospects for peace?
Now let me begin by describing the situation I found when I was inaugurated on Jan. 20th: The war had been going on for four years. Thirty-one thousand Americans had been killed in action. The training program for the South Vietnamese was behind schedule. Five hundred forty-thousand Americans were in Vietnam with no plans to reduce the number. No progress had been made at the negotiations in Paris and the United States had not put forth a comprehensive peace proposal.
The war was causing deep division at home and criticism from many of our friend, as well as our enemies, abroad.
In view of these circumstances, there were some who urged withdrawal of all American forces. From a political standpoint, this would have been a popular and easy course to follow. After all, we became involved in the war while my predecessor was in office. I could blame the defeat, which would be the result of my action, on him -- and come out as the peacemaker. Some put it to me quite bluntly: this was the only way to avoid allowing Johnson’s war to become Nixon’s war.
But I had a greater obligation than to think only of the years of my Administration, and of the next election. I had to think of the effect of my decision on the next generation, and on the future of peace and freedom in America, and in the world.
Let us all understand that the question before us is not whether some Americans are for peace and some Americans are against peace. The question at issue is not whether Johnson’s war becomes Nixon’s war. The great question is: How can we win America’s peace?
Well, let us turn now to the fundamental issue: why and how did the United States become involved in Vietnam in the first place? Fifteen years ago North Vietnam, with the logistical support of Communist China and the Soviet union , launched a campaign to impose a Communist government on South Vietnam by instigating and supporting a revolution.
In response to the request of the Government of South Vietnam, President Eisenhower sent economic aid and military equipment to assist the people of South Vietnam in their efforts of prevent a Communist takeover. Seven years ago, President Kennedy sent 16,000 military personnel to Vietnam as combat advisers. Four years ago, President Johnson sent American combat forces to South Vietnam.
Now many believe that President Johnson’s decision to send American combat forces to South Vietnam was wrong. And many others, I among them, have been strongly critical of the way the war has been conducted.
But the question facing us today is -- now that we are in the war, what is the best way to end it?
In January I could only conclude that the precipitate withdrawal of all American forces from Vietnam would be a disaster not only for South Vietnam but for the United States and for the cause of peace.
For the South Vietnamese, our precipitate withdrawal would inevitably allow the Communists to repeat the massacres which followed their takeover in the North 15 years before. They then murdered more than 50,000 people and hundreds of thousands more died in slave labor camps.
We saw a prelude of what would happen in South Vietnam when the Communists entered the city of Hue last year. During their brief rule there, there was a bloody reign of terror in which 3,000 civilians were clubbed, shot to death, and buried in mass graves.
With the sudden collapse of our support, these atrocities at Hue would become the nightmare of the entire nation and particularly for the million-and-a half Catholic refugees who fled to South Vietnam when the Communists took over in the North.
For the United States this first defeat in our nation’s history would result in a collapse of confidence in American leadership not only in Asia but throughout the world.
Three American Presidents have recognized the great stakes involved in Vietnam and understood what had to be done.
In 1963 President Kennedy with his characteristic eloquence and clarity said we want to see a stable Government there, carrying on the struggle to maintain its national independence.
We believe strongly in that. We are not going to withdraw from that effort. In my opinion, for us to withdraw from that effort would mean a collapse not only of South Vietnam but Southeast Asia. So we’re going to stay there.
President Eisenhower and President Johnson expressed the same conclusion during their terms of office.
For the future of peace, precipitate withdrawal would be a disaster of immense magnitude. A nation cannot remain great if it betrays its allies and lets down its friends. Our defeat and humiliation in South Vietnam without question would promote recklessness in the councils of those great powers who have not yet abandoned their goals of world conquest. This would spark violence wherever our commitments help maintain the peace -- in the Middle East, in Berlin, eventually even in the Western Hemisphere. Ultimately, this would cost more lives. It would not bring peace. It would bring more war.
For these reasons I rejected the recommendation I should end the war by immediately withdrawing all of our forces. I chose instead to change American policy on both the negotiating front and the battle front in order to end the war on many fronts. I initiated a pursuit for peace on many fronts. In a television speech on May 14, in a speech before the United Nations, on a number of other occasions, I set forth our peace proposals in great detail.
We have offered the complete withdrawal of all outside forces within one year. We have proposed to cease fire under international supervision. We have offered free elections under international supervision with the Communists participating in the organization and conduct of the elections as an organized political force.
And the Saigon government has pledged to accept the result of the election.
We have not put forth our proposals on a take-it-or-leave-it basis. We have indicated that we’re willing to discuss the proposals that have been put forth by the other side. We have declared that anything is negotiable, except the right of the people of South Vietnam to determine their own future.
At the Paris peace conference Ambassador Lodge has demonstrated our flexibility and good faith in 40 public meetings. Hanoi has refused even to discuss our proposals. They demand our unconditional acceptance of their terms which are that we withdraw all American forces immediately and unconditionally and that we overthrow the government of South Vietnam as we leave.
We have not limited our peace initiatives to public forums and public statements. I recognized in January that a long and bitter war like this usually cannot be settled in a public forum.
That is why in addition to the public statements and negotiations, I have explored every possible private avenue that might lead to a settlement.
Tonight, I am taking the unprecedented step of disclosing to you some of our other initiatives for peace, initiatives we undertook privately and secretly because we thought we thereby might open a door which publicly would be closed.
I did not wait for my inauguration to begin my quest for peace. Soon after my election, through an individual who was directly in contact on a personal basis with the leaders of North Vietnam, I made two private offers for a rapid, comprehensive settlement.
Hanoi’s replies called in effect for our surrender before negotiations. Since the Soviet union furnishes most of the military equipment for North Vietnam, Secretary of Stare Rogers, my assistant for national security affairs, Dr. Kissinger; Ambassador Lodge and I personally have met on a number of occasions with representatives of the Soviet Government to enlist their assistance in getting meaningful negotiations started.
In addition, we have had extended discussions directed toward that same end with representatives of other governments which have diplomatic relations with North Vietnam.
None of these initiatives have to date produced results. In mid-July I became convinced that it was necessary to make a major move to break the deadlock in the Paris talks.
I spoke directly in this office, where I’m now sitting, with an individual who had known Ho Chi Minh on a personal basis for 25 years. Through him I sent a letter to Ho Chi Minh.
I did this outside the usual diplomatic channels with the hope that with the necessity of making statements for propaganda removed, there might be constructive progress toward bringing the war to an end.
“Dear Mr. President:
“I realize that it is difficult to communicate meaningfully across the gulf of four years of war. But precisely because of this gulf I wanted to take this opportunity to reaffirm in all solemnity my desire to work for a just peace. I deeply believe that the war in Vietnam has gone on too long and delay in bringing it to an end can benefit no one, least of all the people of Vietnam. The time has come to move forward at the conference table toward an early resolution of this tragic war. You will find us forthcoming and open-minded in a common effort to bring the blessings of peace to the brave people of Vietnam. Let history record that at this critical juncture both sides turned their face towards peace rather than toward conflict and war."
I received Ho Chi Minh’s reply on Aug. 30, three days before his death. It simply reiterated the public position North Vietnam had taken at Paris and flatly rejected my initiative. The full text of both letters is being released to the press.
In addition to the public meetings that I’ve referred to, Ambassador Lodge has met with Vietnam’s chief negotiator in Paris in 11 private sessions.
And we have taken other significant initiatives which must remain secret to keep open some channels of communications which may still prove to be productive.
But the effect of all the public, private and secret negotiations which have been undertaken since the bombing halt a year ago, and since this Administration came into office on Jan. 20, can be summed up in one sentence: No progress whatever has been made except agreement on the shape of the bargaining table.
Well, now, who’s at fault? It’s becoming clear that the obstacle in negotiating an end to the war is not the President of the United States. It is not the South Vietnamese Government. The obstacle is the other side’s absolute refusal to show the least willingness to join us in seeking a just peace.
And it will not do so while it is convinced that all it has to do is to wait for our next concession, and our next concession after that one, until it gets everything it wants.
There can now be no longer any question that progress in negotiation depends only on Hanoi ’s deciding to negotiate -- to negotiate seriously.
I realize that this report on our efforts on the diplomatic front is discouraging to the American people, but the American people are entitled to know the truth -- the bad news as well as the good news -- where the lives of our young men are involved.
Now let me turn, however, to a more encouraging report on another front. At the time we launched our search for peace, I recognized we might not succeed in bringing an end to the war through negotiations. I therefore put into effect another plan to bring peace -- a plan which will bring the war to an end regardless of what happens on the negotiating front.
It is in line with the major shift in U. S. foreign policy which I described in my press conference at Guam on July 25.
Let me briefly explain what has been described as the Nixon Doctrine -- a policy which not only will help end the war in Vietnam but which is an essential element of our program to prevent future Vietnams.
We Americans are a do-it-yourself people -- we’re an impatient people. Instead of teaching someone else to do a job, we like to do it ourselves. And this trait has been carried over into our foreign policy.
In Korea, and again in Vietnam, the United States furnished most of the money, most of the armament and most of the men to help the people of those countries defend their freedom against Communist aggressions.
Before any American troops were committed to Vietnam, a leader of another Asian country expressed this opinion to me when I was traveling in Asia as a private citizen.
He said: “When you are trying to assist another nation defend its freedom, United States policy should be to help them fight the war, but not to fight the war for them.”
Well in accordance with this wise counsel, I laid down in Guam three principles of guidelines for future American policy toward Asia .
First, the United States will deep all of its treaty commitments.
Second, we shall provide a shield if a nuclear power threatens the freedom of a nation allied with us, or of a nation whose survival we consider vital to our security.
Third, in cases involving other types of aggression we shall furnish military and economic assistance when requested in accordance with our treaty commitments. But we shall look to the nation directly threatened to assume the primary responsibility of providing the manpower for its defense.
I pledge to you tonight that I shall meet this responsibility with all of the strength and wisdom I can command, in accordance with your hopes, mindful of your concerns, sustained by your prayers.
Thank you.
小知识提示：好的演讲稿，应该既有热情的。鼓动，又有冷静的分析，要把抒情和说理有机地结合起来，做到动之以情，晓之以理。
