演讲稿的写法比较灵活，可以根据会议的内容、一件事事后的感想、需要等情况而有所区别。在我们平凡的日常里，演讲稿应用范围愈来愈广泛，还是对演讲稿一筹莫展吗？旧书不厌百回读，熟读精思子自知，这里是编辑帮大家分享的英语演讲范文【优秀7篇】，希望对大家有一些参考价值。
Good morning, everybody!
In this world, there is one thing that is very fair to everybody, whether you are a male or female, young or old, rich or poor. Does anybody know what it is called?
Right.It is time. The topic I am going to present to you today is called “Treasure Every Minute”。
The clock is running. Make the most of today.
To realize the value of ONE YEAR, ask a student who failed a grade.
To realize the value of ONE MONTH, ask a mother who gave birth to a premature baby.
To realize the value of ONE WEEK, ask the editor of a weekly newspaper.
To realize the value of ONE HOUR, ask the lovers who are waiting to meet.
To realize the value of ONE MINUTE, ask a person who missed the train.
To realize the value of ONE SECOND, ask a person who just avoided an accident.
To realize the value of ONE MILLISECOND, ask the person who won a silver medal in the Olympics.
Treasure every moment that you have! And treasure it more because you shared it with someone special, special enough to spend your time with.
And remember that time waits for no one. Yesterday is history. Tomorrow is amystery. Today is a gift. That's why it's called the present!！ The clock is running. Make the most of today.
Good luck, everybody!
早上好，大家好！
在这个世界上，有一件事对每个人都是非常公平的，无论你是男是女，年轻还是年老，富有还是贫穷。
有人知道它叫什么吗？
正确的。是时候了。今天我要给大家讲的题目是“珍惜每一分钟”。
钟在走。充分利用今天。想知道"一年"的价值，就去问留级的学生。
想知道"一个月"的价值，就去问曾经早产的母亲。
想知道"一周"的价值，就去问周报的编辑。
想知道"一小时"的价值，就去问等待见面的恋人。
想知道"一分钟"的价值，就去问刚错过火车的人。
想知道"一秒钟"的价值，就去问刚躲过一场车祸的人。
想知道千分之一秒的价值，就去问奥运会的银牌得主。
珍惜你所拥有的每一刻！
更要珍惜它，因为你和某个特别的人分享了它，那个特别到足以陪伴你一生的人。
记住，时间不等人。昨天是历史。明天是个谜。今天是一份礼物。这就是为什么它叫做现在！
钟在走。充分利用今天。
祝你好运，大家！
A long time ago, there was a huge apple tree. A little boy loved to come and lay around it every day. He climbed to the tree top, ate the apples, took a nap under the shadow… He loved the tree and the tree loved to play with him.
Psychologist tell us that stress is a state of worry caused by the problem of living ， such as too much work or study ， heavy responsibilities ， and quickened pace of life 。
Statistics show that stress comes from every detail in our life 。 Financial problems ， poor health ， being laid off may be the stress that most adults now suffering 。 As students in the university ， we are also under our special stress 。 While study ， having to take various tests and submit a project against a deadline may put a great pressure on us 。 And the things make us felt stressed may be our parents's greater expectations on us than we could reach 。 Later ， when we are likely to graduate ， some other problems will also annoy us 。 I think we will worry a lot about our ability to compete in the job market and how we can best use what we've learned at college in our future job 。
Everybody is good, the title of my speech today is "my dream"
Everyone have a dream, and is very good, I am no exception. I have a little dream, when I succeed at the goal, to accomplish more dreams. Beginning, I was a baby, a thought become very strong, like the children in the shaolin temple, martial arts high strength. But I think to leave my parents to far away places to practice martial arts, hard work, a little loathe to give up. During my childhood, I have a dream, I hope I have the money. Adults asked: "little girl, with money you are going to do?" "I'm going to buy bubble gum" "if you have a lot of money?" "I'm going to buy a lot of bubble gum" "if you have money to burn?" "I'll do buy bubblegum factory." Innocent childhood we, indeed, have a kind heart, happiness and happiness is a the same piece of music.
Slowly into the primary school, courses more and more deep, knowledge more and more... Will feel the pressure. Now I have a dream. I hope I don't have a lot of homework to do every day. Play a little deprived, and 40% of the day we imprisoned in the classroom, a lot of time in learning. But in the face of learning, is a kind of fuzzy knowledge. As the saying goes, "a rare confused," the understanding of things, from feudalism to capitalism, the greater the more feel that their views are right. After a busy day and night lessons every day home from school, he was sleepy and tired, no taste to eat food taken late at night. This life is very monotonous, maybe sometimes miss many of my primary school classmates, sometimes with a class or a pair of hazy sleep. Hate rigid school clothes, I never wear it everywhere. On Saturday, Sunday's time is very short, children really want to temper, slowly understand life's too hard, hard and dream ok, I will try to see everyone in to life and got up early to catch late, grasp myself no longer loose. I also want to strive for their dreams.
My speech finished, thank you!
Good morning everyone！
Man’s life is a process of growing up, actually I’m standing here is a growth. If a person’s life must constituted by various choices, then I grow up along with these choices. Once I hope I can study in a college in future, however that’s passed, as you know I come here, now I wonder what the future holds for (= what will happen to) me.
When I come to this school, I told to myself: this my near future, all starts here. Following I will learn to become a man, a integrated man, who has a fine body, can take on important task, has independent thought, an open mind, intensive thought, has the ability to judge right and wrong, has a perfect job.
Once my teacher said :” you are not sewing, you are stylist; never forget which you should lay out to people is your thought, not craft.” I will put my personality with my interest and ability into my study, during these process I will combine learning with doing. If I can achieve this “future”, I think that I really grow up. And I deeply believe kindred, good-fellowship and love will perfection and happy in the future.
How to say future? Maybe it’s a nice wish. Lets make up our minds, stick to it and surely well enjoy our life.
Early this morning, my mother received the news of our head teacher we are going to visit the wild animal park. Everybody was excited, we'llbring something: there are fruits, water, phone, or camera, the students "hadarrived at the school gate, we take good things to do on the tour bus withaflame mood. The teacher in the car said that we were in the cage during thisvisit, and the wild animals were outside, and we were more excited.
Finally, we can't wait to get into the sightseeing bus, which is called thecage. We went to the first stop: white tiger. Listening to the tour guide saidthe tiger animals under state protection (category ii), we observed the tiger'seyes LanYingYing, like sapphire, of all of a sudden, it has white tiger zhangmaw rush out of the woods, prone on the window, the girl of whole car screamed,at this time is I take a picture of the tiger, but beside me doing KeYingsuddenly screamed, the king of the camera from my hands fell out, luckily, I putmy hand with a condom on the hands, and broke up otherwise, white tiger only upto the window, more and more girls screaming, we boys had to hard cover ears, orelse really to be deaf. When we got to the amur tiger, I was surprised to seethe Siberian tiger, which I always thought was white, but it was yellow. Soon wecame to walking area, the students of our class immediately rushed to theelephant house, then the teacher also arrived, but it is very smelly, manypeople came out again, only our group and the teacher in take a picture of anelephant. At this moment, the other man was feeding the elephant, and I took theopportunity to take a picture. The elephant took a nose at the elephant and thenrolled it into his mouth.
The happy hour was always so short, and we sat on the school bus withexcitement, and we all kept talking about the animals we saw.
Good Evening, my fellow Americans.
Tonight I want to talk to you on a subject of deep concern to all Americans and to many people in all parts of the world, the war in Vietnam.
I believe that one of the reasons for the deep division about Vietnam is that many Americans have lost confidence in what their Government has told them about our policy. The American people cannot and should not be asked to support a policy which involves the overriding issues of war and peace unless they know the truth about that policy.
Tonight, therefore, I would like to answer some of the questions that I know are on the minds of many of you listening to me.
How and why did America get involved in Vietnam in the first place?
How has this administration changed the policy of the previous Administration?
What has really happened in the negotiations in Paris and the battlefront in Vietnam?
What choices do we have if we are to end the war?
What are the prospects for peace?
Now let me begin by describing the situation I found when I was inaugurated on Jan. 20th: The war had been going on for four years. Thirty-one thousand Americans had been killed in action. The training program for the South Vietnamese was behind schedule. Five hundred forty-thousand Americans were in Vietnam with no plans to reduce the number. No progress had been made at the negotiations in Paris and the United States had not put forth a comprehensive peace proposal.
The war was causing deep division at home and criticism from many of our friend, as well as our enemies, abroad.
In view of these circumstances, there were some who urged withdrawal of all American forces. From a political standpoint, this would have been a popular and easy course to follow. After all, we became involved in the war while my predecessor was in office. I could blame the defeat, which would be the result of my action, on him -- and come out as the peacemaker. Some put it to me quite bluntly: this was the only way to avoid allowing Johnson’s war to become Nixon’s war.
But I had a greater obligation than to think only of the years of my Administration, and of the next election. I had to think of the effect of my decision on the next generation, and on the future of peace and freedom in America, and in the world.
Let us all understand that the question before us is not whether some Americans are for peace and some Americans are against peace. The question at issue is not whether Johnson’s war becomes Nixon’s war. The great question is: How can we win America’s peace?
Well, let us turn now to the fundamental issue: why and how did the United States become involved in Vietnam in the first place? Fifteen years ago North Vietnam, with the logistical support of Communist China and the Soviet union , launched a campaign to impose a Communist government on South Vietnam by instigating and supporting a revolution.
In response to the request of the Government of South Vietnam, President Eisenhower sent economic aid and military equipment to assist the people of South Vietnam in their efforts of prevent a Communist takeover. Seven years ago, President Kennedy sent 16,000 military personnel to Vietnam as combat advisers. Four years ago, President Johnson sent American combat forces to South Vietnam.
Now many believe that President Johnson’s decision to send American combat forces to South Vietnam was wrong. And many others, I among them, have been strongly critical of the way the war has been conducted.
But the question facing us today is -- now that we are in the war, what is the best way to end it?
In January I could only conclude that the precipitate withdrawal of all American forces from Vietnam would be a disaster not only for South Vietnam but for the United States and for the cause of peace.
For the South Vietnamese, our precipitate withdrawal would inevitably allow the Communists to repeat the massacres which followed their takeover in the North 15 years before. They then murdered more than 50,000 people and hundreds of thousands more died in slave labor camps.
We saw a prelude of what would happen in South Vietnam when the Communists entered the city of Hue last year. During their brief rule there, there was a bloody reign of terror in which 3,000 civilians were clubbed, shot to death, and buried in mass graves.
With the sudden collapse of our support, these atrocities at Hue would become the nightmare of the entire nation and particularly for the million-and-a half Catholic refugees who fled to South Vietnam when the Communists took over in the North.
For the United States this first defeat in our nation’s history would result in a collapse of confidence in American leadership not only in Asia but throughout the world.
Three American Presidents have recognized the great stakes involved in Vietnam and understood what had to be done.
In 1963 President Kennedy with his characteristic eloquence and clarity said we want to see a stable Government there, carrying on the struggle to maintain its national independence.
We believe strongly in that. We are not going to withdraw from that effort. In my opinion, for us to withdraw from that effort would mean a collapse not only of South Vietnam but Southeast Asia. So we’re going to stay there.
President Eisenhower and President Johnson expressed the same conclusion during their terms of office.
For the future of peace, precipitate withdrawal would be a disaster of immense magnitude. A nation cannot remain great if it betrays its allies and lets down its friends. Our defeat and humiliation in South Vietnam without question would promote recklessness in the councils of those great powers who have not yet abandoned their goals of world conquest. This would spark violence wherever our commitments help maintain the peace -- in the Middle East, in Berlin, eventually even in the Western Hemisphere. Ultimately, this would cost more lives. It would not bring peace. It would bring more war.
For these reasons I rejected the recommendation I should end the war by immediately withdrawing all of our forces. I chose instead to change American policy on both the negotiating front and the battle front in order to end the war on many fronts. I initiated a pursuit for peace on many fronts. In a television speech on May 14, in a speech before the United Nations, on a number of other occasions, I set forth our peace proposals in great detail.
We have offered the complete withdrawal of all outside forces within one year. We have proposed to cease fire under international supervision. We have offered free elections under international supervision with the Communists participating in the organization and conduct of the elections as an organized political force.
And the Saigon government has pledged to accept the result of the election.
We have not put forth our proposals on a take-it-or-leave-it basis. We have indicated that we’re willing to discuss the proposals that have been put forth by the other side. We have declared that anything is negotiable, except the right of the people of South Vietnam to determine their own future.
At the Paris peace conference Ambassador Lodge has demonstrated our flexibility and good faith in 40 public meetings. Hanoi has refused even to discuss our proposals. They demand our unconditional acceptance of their terms which are that we withdraw all American forces immediately and unconditionally and that we overthrow the government of South Vietnam as we leave.
We have not limited our peace initiatives to public forums and public statements. I recognized in January that a long and bitter war like this usually cannot be settled in a public forum.
That is why in addition to the public statements and negotiations, I have explored every possible private avenue that might lead to a settlement.
Tonight, I am taking the unprecedented step of disclosing to you some of our other initiatives for peace, initiatives we undertook privately and secretly because we thought we thereby might open a door which publicly would be closed.
I did not wait for my inauguration to begin my quest for peace. Soon after my election, through an individual who was directly in contact on a personal basis with the leaders of North Vietnam, I made two private offers for a rapid, comprehensive settlement.
Hanoi’s replies called in effect for our surrender before negotiations. Since the Soviet union furnishes most of the military equipment for North Vietnam, Secretary of Stare Rogers, my assistant for national security affairs, Dr. Kissinger; Ambassador Lodge and I personally have met on a number of occasions with representatives of the Soviet Government to enlist their assistance in getting meaningful negotiations started.
In addition, we have had extended discussions directed toward that same end with representatives of other governments which have diplomatic relations with North Vietnam.
None of these initiatives have to date produced results. In mid-July I became convinced that it was necessary to make a major move to break the deadlock in the Paris talks.
I spoke directly in this office, where I’m now sitting, with an individual who had known Ho Chi Minh on a personal basis for 25 years. Through him I sent a letter to Ho Chi Minh.
I did this outside the usual diplomatic channels with the hope that with the necessity of making statements for propaganda removed, there might be constructive progress toward bringing the war to an end.
“Dear Mr. President:
“I realize that it is difficult to communicate meaningfully across the gulf of four years of war. But precisely because of this gulf I wanted to take this opportunity to reaffirm in all solemnity my desire to work for a just peace. I deeply believe that the war in Vietnam has gone on too long and delay in bringing it to an end can benefit no one, least of all the people of Vietnam. The time has come to move forward at the conference table toward an early resolution of this tragic war. You will find us forthcoming and open-minded in a common effort to bring the blessings of peace to the brave people of Vietnam. Let history record that at this critical juncture both sides turned their face towards peace rather than toward conflict and war."
I received Ho Chi Minh’s reply on Aug. 30, three days before his death. It simply reiterated the public position North Vietnam had taken at Paris and flatly rejected my initiative. The full text of both letters is being released to the press.
In addition to the public meetings that I’ve referred to, Ambassador Lodge has met with Vietnam’s chief negotiator in Paris in 11 private sessions.
And we have taken other significant initiatives which must remain secret to keep open some channels of communications which may still prove to be productive.
But the effect of all the public, private and secret negotiations which have been undertaken since the bombing halt a year ago, and since this Administration came into office on Jan. 20, can be summed up in one sentence: No progress whatever has been made except agreement on the shape of the bargaining table.
Well, now, who’s at fault? It’s becoming clear that the obstacle in negotiating an end to the war is not the President of the United States. It is not the South Vietnamese Government. The obstacle is the other side’s absolute refusal to show the least willingness to join us in seeking a just peace.
And it will not do so while it is convinced that all it has to do is to wait for our next concession, and our next concession after that one, until it gets everything it wants.
There can now be no longer any question that progress in negotiation depends only on Hanoi ’s deciding to negotiate -- to negotiate seriously.
I realize that this report on our efforts on the diplomatic front is discouraging to the American people, but the American people are entitled to know the truth -- the bad news as well as the good news -- where the lives of our young men are involved.
Now let me turn, however, to a more encouraging report on another front. At the time we launched our search for peace, I recognized we might not succeed in bringing an end to the war through negotiations. I therefore put into effect another plan to bring peace -- a plan which will bring the war to an end regardless of what happens on the negotiating front.
It is in line with the major shift in U. S. foreign policy which I described in my press conference at Guam on July 25.
Let me briefly explain what has been described as the Nixon Doctrine -- a policy which not only will help end the war in Vietnam but which is an essential element of our program to prevent future Vietnams.
We Americans are a do-it-yourself people -- we’re an impatient people. Instead of teaching someone else to do a job, we like to do it ourselves. And this trait has been carried over into our foreign policy.
In Korea, and again in Vietnam, the United States furnished most of the money, most of the armament and most of the men to help the people of those countries defend their freedom against Communist aggressions.
Before any American troops were committed to Vietnam, a leader of another Asian country expressed this opinion to me when I was traveling in Asia as a private citizen.
He said: “When you are trying to assist another nation defend its freedom, United States policy should be to help them fight the war, but not to fight the war for them.”
Well in accordance with this wise counsel, I laid down in Guam three principles of guidelines for future American policy toward Asia .
First, the United States will deep all of its treaty commitments.
Second, we shall provide a shield if a nuclear power threatens the freedom of a nation allied with us, or of a nation whose survival we consider vital to our security.
Third, in cases involving other types of aggression we shall furnish military and economic assistance when requested in accordance with our treaty commitments. But we shall look to the nation directly threatened to assume the primary responsibility of providing the manpower for its defense.
I pledge to you tonight that I shall meet this responsibility with all of the strength and wisdom I can command, in accordance with your hopes, mindful of your concerns, sustained by your prayers.
Thank you.
小知识提示：好的演讲稿，应该既有热情的。鼓动，又有冷静的分析，要把抒情和说理有机地结合起来，做到动之以情，晓之以理。
十年前的回忆
这是八年以前的事了，那年我整整15岁，是个懵懂的小孩，父亲安排我到他所在的城市，一所中学就读，也正是因为这次他乡求学，我陷入了僵局，陷入了悲痛、陷入了命运最终的抉择！清楚记得，那是20xx的8月31日，我来到这所学校，自己被老师安排了插班生考试，最终被分到了一个普通班，但这对我来说，已经真的不错了，刚进入这个陌生的环境，我感到了很不适应！但是我知道，“既来之，则安之”我打消了一切念头，开始了新的生活，憧憬着美好的明天，忘记过去，在这里，我的班主任是一位数学老师，他曾无数次的鼓励我，给我了精神支柱，很是感激，一切都感觉极为陌生，连最起码的语言都无法和同学进行沟通，有点自卑的感觉，但是我更加努力，因为置身这样的一个城市，觉得自己和父母终于能够在一起了，无论这条路上，多么的不尽人意，我依然坚持着自己的原则，也许那个时候，环境给了我希望，我宁可饿着肚子，也要完成当天老师布置的作业，只要给我提供学习的空间，我会力争给自己一份满意的答案！
可总是计划赶不上变化，短暂的一学期即将结束了，父亲告诉我，让我回到老家继续念书，这次的打击让我感到了无法忍受的悲痛，刚刚和老师、同学建立起来的感情，被父亲的一句话，让我感觉到了可怕，我真的不愿意离开这里，可那时候我年龄尚小，一切都没有掌握在自己的手中，我无法掌控自己的未来，渐渐的我开始有这极大的心理负担，在最后的期末考试，我的成绩滑到了极点，这让我更加的悲痛，一向孤身自傲的我，实在忍受不了这种打击，寒假的时间，我会骑这那辆破旧的自行车来到学校的大杨树下，安静的凝望，不知道是自己内心的脆弱，还是对老师、同学的留恋，我情不自禁掉下了眼泪，这是我第一次在求学的路上，落下的第一滴眼泪。我感到了内心的空虚，想方设法的继续留在这所学校，可时间已经来不及了，眼看就要开学了，我前思后想，不知道做出怎样的选择？渐渐的觉得自己好像陷入了困境，为难着我自己，这样的离开，真的无法忍受，在20xx年的元月28号，我做出了最后的选择！回去吧，这也许是我的宿命，我认了，带这焦虑、带着愤怒踏上了东去的列车，我离开了九中。觉得梦已然破碎，我已经没有其他选择！只好认命了。
回到了故乡，我已经没有任何精神去学习，我开始放纵自己，那一年，我并没有把功夫用到学习上，上课总是在发呆，看这那窗外的小鸟，感叹似乎自己被关在笼子里，我似乎觉得好像社会对我为什么这么不公平？是我太追逐世俗的繁华？还是其他什么原因？我不应该放弃，一直在想着，想这打破这层僵局，还想回到九中，那一次月考，无法调整自己的心态，考出了全年级最差的成绩，那个班级的班主任把我请出了教室，我开始对所有的人都是一副愤怒的表情，那一年的6月3日，那天倾盆大雨，我买了西去的车票，想再去九中看望下自己的老师，不顾雨水打湿我的衣领，不顾风中的我如何的艰难顶风冒雨，踏上了西去的列车，那时候的我，窘迫的眼神已经没有了精神，经过几个小时的旅途，见到了自己的老师，我们在一起只吃了一顿饭，我就匆匆的走了，回到了故乡，在故乡无助的岁月里，我准备放弃学业，开始了不顾任何眷恋，期末考试以失败而告终，觉得那时候的骄傲和自豪就在这一瞬间化为灰烬，我终于弃学了。
时至今日，我感到了后悔，我感到了自责！也许这就是我的宿命，但是，老师的恩情我无法言语，“铁打的营盘、流水的兵”，老师依旧是老师，激励着一届又一届学子的抱负，那所校园里，虽然没有了我的踪迹，但是偶尔我会去看下九中，这注定了留下足迹的人是我，留下遗憾的人还是我，我无法表达内心的想法。也许是我心胸狭窄的缘故、也许是我固执的原因，也许这是老天对我的安排，被这种无情的岁月划上了一道又一道疤痕。
漫步人生，昔日的夕阳已然不存在了，但回忆毕竟是回忆，人还要往前看，我对侄子们说，十年寒窗是多么的不易，不可放弃，要认真的对待学业，这十年过去了，我还是没有什么成就，但是我学会了逆来顺受，学会了如何去理解、包容，我不记恨任何人，因为命运掌握在自己的手中，只是时来不运而已，笑着面对自己的人生，坦然去接受生活中的喜乐与忧愁！不要悲伤、不要难过、明天的朝阳依然从东方升起！
